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Allegations regarding "Butch" Merritt, Watergate, Intelligence Agencies and "Crimson Rose," Vol. XIX

By Kris Millegan

EndgamePart Six

A coalition of groups is waging a massive propaganda campaign against the president of the United States, an all-out attack. Their aim is total victory for themselves and total defeat for him.
                                                                                                                                                                                 –Gerald Ford

Ford testifying about his pardon to President Nixon


Gerald Rudolph Ford, Jr. from Grand Rapids, Michigan (aka Leslie Lynch King, Jr. from Omaha, Nebraska), like Richard Nixon, returned from service in WWII and entered politics. Running as a “converted internationalist," Ford took his seat in 1948, where he became a steady fixture, rising to become Minority Leader in the House in 1965.

Gerry wasn’t flashy, and the GOP found they could rely on Ford. He served on the Warren Commission, and defended it’s “lone-nut” verdict. He explained away the CIA’s destruction of evidence and untruths on the misconstruing of the agency’s covering up sensitive operations that would have been damaged by public disclosure.

Was Ford’s pardon of Nixon quid pro quo? I don’t know, but it set a damaging precedent, absolving someone of all crimes before they are even indicted, and put a damper on further disclosures of corruption.

Ford just seems to be around when things need “dampening.” How convenient, as SNL’s Church Lady says.

There’s all the talk going on, about the CIA, spying on people, enemies lists, etc. A blue-ribbon panel, chaired by Nelson Rockefeller, would surely get to the bottom of it all.

The Peace-Accords had been signed but the Vietnam “war” was still a going concern, how nice to end the debacle under a caretaker president: no one to blame.

The country had been shattered steadily by the drip, drip, drip of Watergate into competing emotive camps. A scar for Gerry to “heal.” After he dropped his political capital by giving Nixon a pardon, in comes Nelson, as an active veep, whose first role is to corral the CIA.

Ford created that commission in January of 1975. Soon, there were also the Church and Pike committees looking into the CIA and intelligence matters. In September of 1975 there were two unsuccessful assassination attempts of Ford.

Did somebody else want his job? LBJ said of Ford, “Jerry Ford is so dumb he can't fart and chew gum at the same time.” Maybe that’s why it took 47 days before an interesting event took place, the “Halloween massacre.”

From wiki:

The "Halloween Massacre" is the term associated with the major reorganization of U.S. President Gerald R. Ford's Cabinet on November 4, 1975. Several prominent moderate Republicans in the administration were replaced by more conservative figures. The changes were:

Henry Kissinger was fired as National Security Advisor (Kissinger retained his post as Secretary of State), and replaced by General Brent Scowcroft.

William Colby was fired as Director of Central Intelligence and replaced by Ambassador (and future president) George H. W. Bush. Colby was offered the post of U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO, but declined.

James Schlesinger was fired as Secretary of Defense and replaced by Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld. Rumsfeld's deputy and protégé, future Vice President Richard Cheney, moved up to be the Chief of Staff.

Under pressure from Republican Party conservatives, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller announced that he would not run for re-election as Ford's running mate in 1976.

Subsequent to these events, Rogers Morton was also replaced by Elliot Richardson as Secretary of Commerce.

Political commentators quickly dubbed Ford's sweeping changes the "Halloween Massacre," reminiscent of President Richard M. Nixon's "Saturday Night Massacre" in October 1973. Historians allege that President Ford's decision was not one of his own design and historically two theories are postulated to support this allegation. First, Donald Rumsfeld and Richard Cheney manipulated their appointments to advance their own agendas within the American political arena. Or, secondly, Rumsfeld and Cheney convinced Ford to make these changes in order to improve his re-election prospects against his primary Republican opponent, Ronald Reagan.

Veteran political correspondents and commentators initiated newspaper and magazine articles immediately fingering Donald Rumsfeld as the manipulator of these events despite Ford's protestations that he, himself, made the decision alone. The historiography of the "Halloween Massacre" appears to support these allegations.



to be continued…
Written by Kris Millegan   

Allegations regarding "Butch" Merritt, Watergate, Intelligence Agencies and "Crimson Rose," Vol. XVIII

By Kris Millegan

EndgamePart Five

If, after the inauguration, you find Cy Vance (former President of the Rockefeller Foundation) as Secretary of State and Zbigniew Brzezinski as head of National Security, then I would say we have failed.
                                                                                                                                                       – Hamilton Jordan,



Peter Sutherland, Sadako Ogata, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Paul Volcker, David Rockefeller Anniversary Evening sponsored by the U.S. Group. December 1, 1998, New York City


Nelson didn’t make it to President – the “girls” didn’t perform well with guns. Oh, well, where there’s a will there’s a way, and without dropping a beat, the Rockefeller machine put in place a Democrat, taking the heat off the Republican scandals, letting a little water flow under the bridge and setting the stage for the final chapter of Watergate’s endgame. It would have been much simpler if Sarah or Squeaky had hit their marks, and Rocky had held the reins while slipping their empire agenda onto the taxpayer’s tab, but as has been said, “There is more than one way to skin a cat.”

Excerpts from two online essays about the Trilateral Commission (the idea introduced one month after the pivotal Watergate burglary):

The Trilateral Commission: World Shadow Government

The Trilateral Commission was established in 1973. Its founder and primary financial angel was international financier, David Rockefeller, longtime chairman of the Rockefeller family-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank.…

Rockefeller’s idea for establishing the commission emerged after he had read a book entitled Between Two Ages written by an Establishment scholar, Prof. Zbigniew Brzezinski of Columbia University….

"Resist as it might," Brzezinski wrote elsewhere, "the American system is compelled gradually to accommodate itself to this emerging international context, with the U.S. government called upon to negotiate, to guarantee, and, to some extent, to protect the various arrangements that have been contrived even by private business."

Although the initial arrangements for the commission were laid out in a series of meetings held at the Rockefeller’s famous Pocantico Hills estate outside New York City, Rockefeller first introduced the idea of the commission at an annual meeting of the Bilderberg group, this one held in Knokke, Belgium in the spring of 1972.

David Rockefeller and Brzezinski then began the process of selecting from among the "Trilateral" nations the several hundred elite power brokers who would be permitted to join in Trilateral policymaking in the coming years.

One of the commission’s primary goals was to place a Trilateral-influenced president in the White House in 1976, and to achieve that goal it was necessary to groom an appropriate candidate who would be willing to cooperate with Trilateral aims.

Rockefeller and Brzezinski selected a handful of well-known liberal Democrats and a scattering of Republicans (primarily of the liberal-internationalist bent) to serve on the commission.

And in an effort to give regional balance to the commission Rockefeller invited the then-obscure one-term Democratic governor of Georgia, Jimmy Carter, to join the commission.


Rockefeller had longtime ties to the local Atlanta political and economic Establishment. In fact, much of Rockefeller’s personal investment portfolio is in Atlanta real estate. (According to David Horowitz, co-author of The Rockefellers, "Atlanta is Rockefeller Center South.")

And Rockefeller himself had once even invited Carter to dine with him at the Chase Manhattan Bank several years before, as early as 1971, the year Carter began serving as governor.

Carter very definitely impressed Rockefeller and Brzezinski, more so than another Southern Democrat, Florida Gov. Reuben Askew, also selected to serve on the commission and viewed, like Carter, as a possible Trilateral candidate.

In fact, according to Brzezinski,

"It was a close thing between Carter and Askew, but we were impressed that Carter had opened up trade offices for the state of Georgia in Brussels and Tokyo. That seemed to fit perfectly into the concept of the Trilateral."

Carter, in fact, like Askew, did announce for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination, but because of Rockefeller’s interest, Carter had the inside shot. 

So much so that in a speech at the commission’s first annual meeting in Kyoto, Japan in May of 1975, Rockefeller’s man Brzezinski promoted the then-still obscure Carter to his fellow Trilateralists as an ideal presidential candidate.


From that point on, it was all cut and dried. According to Goldwater:

"Rockefeller and Brzezinski found Carter to be their ideal candidate. They helped him win the Democratic nomination and the presidency.

“To accomplish this purpose they mobilized the money-power of the Wall Street bankers, the intellectual influence of the academic community -- which is subservient to the wealth of the great tax-free foundations -- and the media controllers represented in the membership of the CFR and the Trilateralists."

The aforementioned Council on Foreign Relations -- is another Rockefeller-financed foreign policy pressure group similar to the Trilateralists and the Bilderberg group, although the CFR is composed solely of American citizens.

In his book The Carter Presidency and Beyond, published in 1980 by the Ramparts Press, Prof. Laurence H. Shoup devotes an entire chapter to demonstrating how the Trilateral-linked and Trilateral-controlled Establishment media promoted the presidential candidacy in 1976 of the then-obscure Georgia Gov. Jimmy Carter.

Carter, of course, campaigned as a "populist" -- as a "man of the people" -- as an "outsider" with no ties to the Establishment. The fact is, however, Carter, who said he’d never lie, was an elitist, an insider, the Trilateral Commission’s "man on the white horse."

And with the power of the commission and the Rockefeller empire and its media influence behind him, Carter made his way to the presidency, establishing the first full-fledged Trilateral administration, appointing numerous Trilateralists to key policymaking positions and carrying out the Trilateral agenda to the hilt.


From The Modern History Project:

The Modern History Project

Late in 1972, W. Averell Harriman (known at that time as the "grand old man of the Democrats"), Establishment strategist and CFR member, told Milton Katz (also a CFR member and Director of International Studies at Harvard): "We've got to get off our high horses and look at some of those southern governors." Carter was mentioned, and Katz informed Rockefeller, who had actually met with Carter in 1971, when they had lunch in the Chase Manhattan's Board of Director's dining room, and he was impressed with the fact that Carter had opened trade offices for the state of Georgia in Tokyo.

In February, 1973, while former Secretary of State Dean Rusk (a Bilderberger) was having dinner with Gerald Smith (U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Non-Proliferation Matters), Rusk suggested that Carter would be a good candidate for the Commission. In April, while Robert Bowie (former professor of International Affairs at Harvard, who later became Deputy Director of the CIA), George S. Franklin (Rockefeller assistant, CFR member, and Coordinator for the Commission), and Smith were discussing the recruitment of candidates, it was decided that they needed better representation from the South. Franklin went to Atlanta to talk to Carter, and then proposed his name for membership. It had been a choice between Carter, and Gov. Reuben Askew of Florida.

In the fall of 1973, after having dinner with David Rockefeller in London, Carter's political momentum began. From that point on, he was groomed for the Presidency by Zbigniew Brzezinski, and the Trilateralists. Just to be on the safe side, they also brought in Minnesota Senator Walter Mondale (a protege of Hubert Humphrey, whose eventual withdrawal from the Presidential race guaranteed the Democratic nomination for Carter), and Rep. Elliot Richardson (former U.S. Attorney General; Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare and Secretary of Defense, and Under Secretary of State under Nixon; former Secretary of Commerce under Ford; and former Ambassador to Great Britain) as possible candidates, and even considered Sen. Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts.

Brzezinski said in an October, 1973 speech: "The Democratic candidate will have to emphasize work, family, religion, and increasingly, patriotism, if he has any desire to be elected." Carter campaigned by stressing those very virtues, as he asked America to elect him, an "outsider," to clean up the mess in Washington.

In December, 1975, seven months before the Democratic National Convention, the Gallup Poll indicated that only 4% of the country's Democrats wanted Carter. Even the Atlantic Constitution in his own state, ran a headline which said: "Jimmy Carter Running For What?". However, within six months the nomination was his because of the most elaborate media campaign in history. Carter was glorified as the new hope of America as the media misrepresented his record as Governor in Georgia. This led former Georgia Governor Lester Maddox to say: "Based on false, misleading and deceiving statements and actions ... Jimmy Carter in my opinion, neither deserves or should expect one vote from the American people."

Even though Carter later resigned from the Trilateral Commission, he was hardly an "outsider." He was supported by the Trilateral Commission, the Rockefellers, and Time magazine. Early contributions came from Dean Rusk, C. Douglas Dillon, Henry Luce, and Cyrus Eaton. Leonard Woodcock of the United Auto Workers Union, and Henry Ford II, both of whom are CFR members, endorsed Carter on the same day.

Carter's two major foreign policy speeches during the primary campaign were made to the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations and the Foreign Policy Association. He used terms like "a just and peaceful world order," and "a new international order." In another primary campaign speech, Carter talked about "world-order politics."

A Los Angeles Times article in June, 1976, identified the advisors that helped Carter prepare his first major speech on foreign policy, all of whom were all members of the CFR and most were also members of the Trilateral Commission:

  • Zbigniew Brzezinski
  • Richard Cooper
  • Richard Gardner
  • Henry Owen
  • Edwin O. Reischauer
  • Averell Harriman
  • Anthony Lake
  • Robert Bowie
  • Milton Katz
  • Abram Chayes
  • George Ball
  • Cyrus Vance

After Carter beat Gerald Ford, Hamilton Jordan, his chief aide, said: "If, after the inauguration, you find Cy Vance (former President of the Rockefeller Foundation) as Secretary of State and Zbigniew Brzezinski as head of National Security, then I would say we have failed." In an interview with Playboy magazine, Jordan said he would quit if they were appointed. They were; he didn't.

Brzezinski, whom Henry Kissinger had called his "distinguished presumptive successor", had become Carter's biggest influence.

The Commission, which operates in literal secrecy, made news in the fall of 1979, when David Rockefeller, Henry Kissinger, and John J. McCloy (former President of the Ford Foundation, former President of the World Bank, Chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank, former High Commissioner to Germany, and on the Advisory Board of Foreign Affairs magazine) pressured Carter into allowing the deposed Shah of Iran (who had financial dealings with the Chase Manhattan) into the country for medical treatment. The move caused the Iranian government, under the leadership of the Ayatollah Khomeini, to storm the American Embassy, and hold 52 American hostages for nearly 1-1/2 years. Carter's inadequacy in dealing with this situation certainly cost him the election


Before Carter could be placed in power, something needed to be done about all the allegations about the CIA and other spy agencies. First there is the “Rockefeller Commission”:

An important article that help us understand is the January 20, 1975, New York magazine article by Tad Szulc, “How Nixon Used the CIA”:

President Ford no sooner said that he wished to know and tell the whole truth about the illegal domestic operations of the Central Intelligence Agency than he placed this investigation in the hands of an eight-man blue-ribbon commission whose immediate problem may lie in its own unreality. Its chairman, Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller, and several of its most knowledgeable members have long, intimate, and protective ties with the U.S. intelligence community, which could conceivably lead them to see the C.I.A.'s controversial doings in a relatively charitable light.

The crucial question to be answered by the commission is this: who knew about the C.I.A.'s portion of what John Mitchell characterized as the Nixon White House "horrors"? Was it Richard Nixon himself, orchestrating a comprehensive plan to push the United States toward a police state? Was it former C.I.A. Director Richard Helms? Was it General Robert Cushman Jr., a close associate of Richard Nixon's and, at the time, the agency's deputy director? Or was it Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the man who, in effect, runs the entire U.S. intelligence community? Charity may not be the most necessary attribute for a group whose mission includes determining whether sufficient safeguards surround the C.I.A.

In any event, this commission can hardly do its work adequately unless, along with the Watergate, special prosecutor, it gains access to the treasure trove of Richard Nixon's materials held back by the Ford White House because of Nixon's own legal challenges.

Federal investigators are convinced that among the 900 reels of tapes (adding up to some 5,400 listening hours) and 42 million documents in the White House complex there is ample evidence to verify how and why the former president and his associates went about misusing and abusing the American intelligence community for their own political ends – at the expense of the civil rights of American citizens.

The C.I.A. and military intelligence have been snooping around the United States for a long time, but there has been nothing quite like the carryings on under Nixon. These activities far transcend in importance recently reported "massive" C.I.A. spying on antiwar militants, if it really occurred. They included direct domestic police functions in support of local police forces, White House-directed surveillance of selected individuals for political reasons, considerable cooperation with the "plumbers," and the management of a S200-million-a-year top-secret C.I.A. corporate empire. [emphasis added]

The existence of this vast international corporate empire has a new relevance, presumably of interest to the Rockefeller commission. Present foreign aid legislation prohibits ...the funding of covert C.I.A. operations abroad unless the president certifies to Congress their need for U.S. national security. The availability of funds in C.I.A.-owned and profit-making businesses could circumvent the intent of Congress. [emphasis added]

New York Magazine has learned details of these and other hidden intelligence operations through recent research and wide-ranging interviews throughout the United States intelligence community. A presidential commission seriously interested in getting to the bottom of things surely could do much more. Curiously, though, the contents of the Nixon cache, which would be the most vital aspect of its investigations, were referred to by neither Ford nor any other senior administration official in the course of announcing formation of the commission. The commission's present plan is to interview C.I.A. Director William Colby as its first witness, then move on to Kissinger and others. The Nixon tapes would speak for themselves. The C.I.A. will tell as much, or as little, as it chooses to the blue-ribbon investigators, a potentially sympathetic group. The chairman, Rockefeller, served on the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, theoretically a supervisory group for U.S. intelligence-gathering activities, from 1969 to 1974. Its membership includes such old friends of the C.I.A. as former Treasury Secretary C. Douglas Dillon, former California Governor Ronald Reagan, and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Lyman Lemnitzer. As J .C.S. chairman, General Lemnitzer was on the White House's "303 Committee" – now known as the "40 Committee" – which supervises the most secret United States foreign covert intelligence operations.

The A.F.L.-C.I.O. whose secretary-treasurer, Lane Kirkland, is on the panel, provided in the sixties an umbrella for C.I.A. activities in Latin America by setting up the American Institute for Free Labor Development. Kirkland is also a member of Rockefeller's earlier commission on "critical choices."

Nixon's legal suits to prevent access to his tapes and documents constitute a legal cover-up. It is aimed at voiding an agreement signed last November between the Ford White House and the special prosecutor to make the pertinent files available for the preparation of additional Watergate indictments.

Inasmuch as one of Nixon's suits challenges the constitutionality of a recent congressional act which ratifies, in effect, the Ford-special prosecutor agreement, the case may go all the way to the Supreme Court, indefinitely delaying all the investigations. The blue-ribbon commission must report by April 4 (even though it is unlikely that litigation over Nixon's materials will be resolved by then).

The White House tapes and documents are also believed to contain juicy material that would document other areas of Nixon abuses - most notably concerning illegal wiretaps, violations of the Internal Revenue Service's statutes on the secrecy of tax returns, and other startling attempts to subvert the functions of government departments for the former president's political advantage.

If the tapes are obtained, the special prosecutor hopes later this year to come up with new indictments against, among others, those who during Nixon's reign installed what are believed to have been illegal national security wiretaps against administration officials and Washington newsmen. Federal Bureau of Investigation agents, Justice Department Internal Security Division officials, Washington police officers, or even C.I.A. operatives may have done the work. Should the wiretap case go to trial, the special prosecutor is certain to call as witnesses Kissinger and his former deputy, General Alexander M. Haig Jr., who is now commander-in-chief of NATO forces. Both have already acknowledged recommending the names of those to be wiretapped.

The Nixon tapes might also explain why the Nixon administration late in 1972 created a mysterious military intelligence office known as Defense Investigative Service (D.I.S.) located in the Forrestal Building in downtown Washington. The D.I.S., reportedly staffed by a number of ex-C.I.A. agents from domestic intelligence units, reports directly to the Office of the Secretary of Defense, significantly by-passing the Defense Intelligence Agency. [emphasis added]

Inquirers at the Pentagon about the D.I.S. are told that this office centralizes security clearance for defense contractors. But there is doubt that this is its only function. Until his retirement late in 1974, the D.I.S. was headed by Air Force Brigadier General Joseph Cappucci, formerly chief of the air force's Office of Special Investigation. Insiders say that clearing defense contractors would hardly be a task given a senior military intelligence officer. Political intelligence within the air force was a responsibility of the Office of Special Investigations.

Officials familiar with the situation suggest that new disclosures from the Nixon materials may create acute embarrassment for Henry Kissinger. Inasmuch as the C.I.A. reports to the president of the United States through the mechanism of the National Security Council, headed by Kissinger since 1969, and since he is chairman of the N.S.C.'s "40 Committee," concerned with the most secret intelligence operations abroad, it is a valid question how much he might have known about the agency's secret operations.

Privately, many officials further argue that Kissinger probably had to be aware of the C.I.A.'s domestic activities. For example, the dividing line between the agency's foreign and domestic counterintelligence work – the tracking of foreign intelligence operatives – is completely blurred, particularly since J. Edgar Hoover, the Federal Bureau of Investigation's late director, suspended all counterespionage cooperation with the C.I.A. in 1969. If indeed other C.I.A. units aside from the Counterintelligence Staff belonging to the office of the Deputy Director of Operations (D.D.O.), also known as the Clandestine Services, became engaged in purely domestic operations between 1969 and 1972, it would have been an affront to Kissinger to keep him in the dark. It must be remembered that from the moment he moved into the White House, in 1969, Kissinger insisted on maintaining full control of the C.I.A. to the point where successive C.I.A. directors had no direct private access to Nixon; the present director, William E. Colby, usually sees President Ford in Kissinger's presence. [emphasis added]

After Ford requested a report from Colby on the C.I.A.'s illegal activities following publication in The New York Times on December 22 of the "massive spying" charges, it was Kissinger, as the head of the N.S.C. mechanism, who was instructed to transmit Colby's response to the president. In this sense then, Kissinger is part and parcel of the whole intelligence controversy. As of now, so is his friend and benefactor, Vice-President Rockefeller.

There are also some reasons to suspect that the whole affair is immensely more complex and sensitive than the simple possibility that the Counterintelligence Staff ran private spying operations against the antiwar movement. There have been a number of unexplained moves both by the C.I.A. and the White House suggestive of a no-holds-barred power struggle within the intelligence community, possibly involving Kissinger himself. Ford's decision to "get to the bottom" of the present C.I.A. affair – an “abrupt” departure from past White House practice in C.I.A. matters – is an eIement in the mystery. [emphasis added] 

One possibility, insiders say, is that the need was perceived at the highest levels of the government to hide the real C.I.A. enterprises during the Watergate era – such as undertaking direct police functions and dirty work for the Nixon White House. Because bits of information were beginning to surface, these insiders say, it was judged less damaging to go along with the limited charge of "massive spying" against the antiwar movement.

A related possibility is that the "massive spying" disclosures last month were the result of deliberate C.I.A. leaks. Their objective: to help eliminate James Angleton, the head of the Counterintelligence Staff, one of the C.I.A.'s most powerful and independent senior officials and long a thorn in Colby's and Kissinger's sides. [emphasis added] 

Angleton and his Counterintelligence group were initially singled out as culprits in the spying scandal despite the high probability, as it now appears, that an entirely separate C.I.A. branch, the Domestic Operations Division, conducted domestic operations.

Published reports early this month indicated that both Colby and Kissinger resented Angleton's personal control of all intelligence liaison with Israel. Unlike all other cases involving foreign intelligence, the C.I.A.'s relations with Israel were handled by Counterintelligence rather than a geographic division of Clandestine Services.

Some knowledgeable State Department officials say that Kissinger felt that Angleton's operations interfered with his Middle East diplomacy. Counterintelligence was apparently the only area in the C.I.A. that resisted Kissinger's sway. In addition, Angleton was known to hold a low opinion of the detente engineered and negotiated by Kissinger with the Soviet Union. [emphasis added]

Angleton himself told newsmen that Colby had asked him to resign in the wake of the domestic spying charges (although he was to remain with the agency as "a consultant" while the Counterintelligence Staff is being reorganized and a new chief named). Three of Angleton's deputies were also asked to resign. But New York Magazine has learned that Colby actually moved to fire him two or three days before The Times published its report on domestic spying naming Angleton as the man responsible. [emphasis added]

If this theory is correct, we may be facing an extraordinary combination of a cover-up of the C.I.A.'s domestic activities on Nixon's behalf with esoteric intrigues within the agency itself – indeed, within the entire American intelligence community – a combination that cannot help but affect the conduct of American foreign policy.

The very structure of the agency's "Clandestine Services," the secretive Directorate of Operations (see table on page 33), helps explain how such things are possible. So that perfect security and secrecy may be assured, the agency frequently insists on the right hand's not knowing what the left hand does – the principle of " compartmentalization." In all D.D.O. operations, knowledge is confined to those with "the need to know" – and it can't even be ruled out that in some cases the C.I.A. director himself may have looked the other way on the theory, as a C.I.A. veteran put it, that "what you don't know don't hurt you."

During the Nixon period – until his removal early in 1973 – the C.I.A. director was Richard Helms, a lifelong clandestine operator. His deputy director of Central Intelligence (D.D.C.I.) was Lieutenant General Robert Cushman, once Nixon's military assistant and now commandant of the marine corps. Helms and Cushman were supported by four C.I.A. deputy directors, one of whom was the deputy director for plans (recently the title was changed to deputy director of operations).

This post was held until early 1973 by Thomas Karamessines. He and his deputy, Cord Meyer Jr., were in charge of all clandestine operations. The directorate was divided into four main branches reporting directly to Karamessines. (A fifth branch, the Science and Technology Office, was subsequently added.) For specific operational purposes, however, Karamessines also ran two parallel groups of divisions, one foreign and one domestic. These were hierarchically separated from the special staffs such as Counterintelligence- or Covert Action. Six regional divisions supported by subregional and country desks formed the geographic group and worked with the special staffs on specific overseas operations. [emphasis added]

On the domestic side, the directorate had – and still has – four divisions. In varying degrees, they were all involved in Nixon-era secret domestic operations.

The little-known Domestic Operations Division (D.O.D.) and the mysteriously named "Division D" (now renamed "D Staff") carried out the bulk of domestic activities, ranging from wholly legitimate ones to some that were quite shady. They were logistically aided, as the rest of the C.I.A. is, by the specialized Technical Services Division (T.S.D.) and Records Integration Division (R.I.D.).

The Domestic Operations Division is in charge of a network of C.I.A. offices located in at least fifteen American cities. Some of these offices are overt and even listed in local telephone directories (under "Central Intelligence Agency"). The division's so-called "00" offices, for example, concentrate on debriefing American travelers returning home from trips to countries in which the C.I.A. has a special interest. Inasmuch as the Counterintelligence Staff worries about foreign agents, such as Soviet K.G .B. operatives, entering the United States, it may occasionally request the D.O.D. to lend a hand in tracking them. Such interceptions were once made by the F.B.I., but when Hoover gave up his counterespionage functions, this follow-up was made by C.I.A. Counterintelligence or the D.OD.

That which C.I.A. officials speaking privately have conceded to be the "gray area" of operations is the surveillance of American citizens suspected of contacts with foreign intelligence. Although the 1947 National Security Act, which created the C.I.A., specifically forbids domestic police functions by the agency, it is argued that such activity is simply an extension of foreign counterintelligence.

It is widely known in Washington intelligence circles that the C.I.A., and especially Counterintelligence, suspected a number of dissident and radical American groups of ties with Communist intelligence services – and not only in the antiwar movement context. The Black Panthers, for example, were under close C.I.A. surveillance based on the suspicion – never proved – that many of its members traveled to Algeria and Moscow for ideological indoctrination and then to North Korea for sabotage and guerrilla training. Similar suspicions surrounded young Americans who had visited Cuba.

The C.I.A. increased this surveillance under Nixon even though the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, formed by former President Johnson, had concluded that there was no foreign subversive conspiracy behind racial riots. The C.I.A. had worked closely with the commission. Cord Meyer, the Clandestine Services' deputy chief, was the agency's liaison official.

But although it engaged in financing such groups as the National Student Association for intelligence operations abroad, and publishing houses, magazines, and news agencies for foreign propaganda in pre-Nixon days, former Director Richard Helms and the C.I.A. drew a line at "targeting" Americans at home. Nor would the C.I.A. busy itself abroad on essentially domestic matters. In the 1960's, for example, Helms personally refused a request from the Internal Revenue to establish surveillance in South America on a tax evader, an American citizen, who had skipped overseas owing hundreds of thousands of dollars in back taxes.

Under Nixon, however, the climate changed totally. In December 1970, Helms fitted the C.I.A. into the secret Intelligence Evaluation Committee at the White House. The unit grew out of the secret domestic intelligence plan drafted for Nixon by his aide Tom Huston six months earlier. Under enormous White House pressure, the C.I.A. began to become involved in domestic activities, often in clear violation of its own statute. [emphasis added] For example:

1. Police functions. During the 1969-1972 period of massive antiwar demonstrations, particularly in Washington, the C.I.A., responding to White House requests, trained and advised local police departments in the arts of intelligence and communications. The C.I.A.'s Domestic Operations Division, the Technical Services Division, the Records Integration Division, and the "D Staff" were all involved. The "D Staff" was in charge of communications and intelligence collection for local police forces. This presumably included direct surveillance of Americans. but as an ancillary rather than principal function. The R.I.D. helped out with computer read-outs from files kept by the C.I.A.'s Counterintelligence, the F.B.I. (which did work on domestic riot control), and the military intelligence services. The Technical Services provided highly sophisticated equipment, such as devices showing whether a person had held metal – a gun – in his or her hand hours earlier.

The C.I.A. doesn't actually deny its training and equipment support for the Metropolitan Police Department in Washington. The C.I.A. claims, perhaps lamely, that it had acted in the belief that it was meeting the requirements of the 1968 Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act. [emphasis added] 

There is no question but that this C.I.A. police function, also carried out in New York and Chicago, specifically violated the National Security Act. C.I.A. training of U.S. police forces ended early in 1973, after a New York Times article alluded, in general terms, to such assistance.

2. Plumbers. The record of Watergate investigations shows that acting on a telephone call from John Ehrlichman, then Nixon's chief of the Domestic Council, the C.I.A. provided one of the plumbers, Howard Hunt, with disguise equipment on a "one-time basis." This was authorized by General Cushman, then the C.I.A.'s deputy director, and the material was provided by the Technical Services Division.

But private investigations suggest that in addition to the help obtained from the C.I.A. headquarters on this particular occasion, the plumbers were equipped for other missions by the agency's clandestine offices in Miami and outside San Francisco. The so-called "green light" group in the C.I.A.'s Miami office reportedly provided Hunt with some of the equipment for the June, 1972, Watergate break-in. The C.I.A. office in Burlingame, near San Francisco, apparently did likewise in connection with the plumbers' break-in, in 1971, into Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist's offices. In 1973, when investigations uncovered the agency's role in equipping Hunt, a senior officer of the Technical Services Division, Howard Osborne, was quietly fired from the C.I.A.

In Las Vegas, Nevada, where the plumbers had planned an operation against newspaper publisher Hank Greenspun , the C.I.A. maintains one of its largest domestic clandestine offices, run by, the D.O.D. It remains unclear why Las Vegas, hardly an espionage center, rates a big C.I.A. station. [emphasis added] 

3. The corporate empire. This is one of the C.I.A.'s most sensitive secrets. The network of C.I.A.-owned companies was created in 1950, at the height of the Cold War, to provide fireproof covers for overseas operations. In the 1960's, it was used to disguise the financing of such enterprises as the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, the use of anti-Castro Cuban pilots and B-26's in the Congo, the "secret army" of Meo tribesmen in Laos, and a variety of other covert activities. Under Nixon, funds for domestic operations, including some plumber-type operations, were channeled through the C.I.A.'s "proprietary" or front corporations. The most famous, though not necessarily the most important, of them was the Robert R. Mullen & Co. in Washington, where Hunt was "employed" after leaving the C.I.A. [emphasis added]

The holding company for the C.I.A.'s corporate empire is the Pacific Corporation located in Washington. Pacific, whose subsidiaries are said to employ some 20,000 people worldwide, was incorporated in Dover, Delaware, on July 10, 1950, by the Prentice Hall Corporation (no kin to the publishing firm of that name), an incorporating agent for hundreds of firms that enjoy Delaware's tax advantages. A C.I.A. official familiar with the Pacific Corporation explained that in this and every other case where a C.I.A. company is incorporated in a state capital, the local secretary of state is informed of the true nature of the enterprise to avoid tax or any other inquiries. Thus Delaware's secretary of state refuses to disclose the names of Pacific's directors at the time of the incorporation.

The Pacific Corporation owns such operational C.I.A. companies as Air America, Inc., whose planes supported all the agency operations in Indochina; C.A.T. (Civil Air Transport) Co., Ltd., a Taiwan-based airline often used by the C.I.A.; Air Asia Co., Ltd., specializing in aircraft maintenance; the Pacific Engineering Company; and the Thai Pacific Services Co., Ltd .

The Pacific Corporation and these five other companies have headquarters in a third-floor suite at 1725 K Street, Northwest, in Washington. Oddly, all six are listed in the building directory and in the Washington telephone book. But to a casual visitor to the K Street building lobby, all these names are wholly meaningless, as are those of nine officials listed under Suite 309. Curiously, however, the name of Hugh L. Grundy, who is president of the Pacific Corporation, Air America, and Air Asia, is not listed anywhere.

C.I.A. insiders say that the Pacific Corporation may own dozens of other companies elsewhere in the United States and abroad. It may be impossible to unravel all the corporate ramifications of the Pacific firm without a detailed inspection of the C.I.A.'s books, something a determined presidential commission could do.

It is known that the Pacific Corporation had about $200 million in" sales" in 1972. This fact emerged when the Price Commission, engaged in classifying companies by their size for reporting purposes, came upon the Pacific Corporation's tax returns.

Tax returns? Of course. Because the corporation serves as a C.I.A. cover, it has to behave like all other companies. Thus it pays taxes. The C.I.A. realized, however, that the Pacific Corporation's cover was in jeopardy if the Price Commission applied to it the rule that all companies with sales in excess of $50 million annually must report their activities. Accordingly, the Pacific Corporation sent a letter to the Price Commission advising it that its domestic sales were below $50 million – that the balance was in foreign operations.

Break-ins into foreign embassies and United Nations missions are justified on counterintelligence grounds. (On one occasion C.I.A. raiders found $300,000 in purloined stock certificates instead of diplomatic codes in the safe of a Latin American diplomat in New York; they left the certificates in the safe and fled.) The same explanation applies to one or two break-ins into the homes of C.I.A. officials suspected of leaks or other ties with foreign intelligence services.

As we have seen, one hand at the C.I.A. often doesn't know what the other does. This surely applied during the Nixon period, when the White House may have been dealing directly with senior C.I.A. officials friendly to it and willing to twist the statute to please the president. But at this point in time, as they say, the C.I.A. looks very much like a public agency of awesome power that is now beyond effective public control. And there is reason to wonder whether the Rockefeller commission may be up to the job of checking it and providing the safeguards promised by President Ford.


to be continued …

Written by Kris Millegan   

Allegations regarding "Butch" Merritt, Watergate, Intelligence Agencies and "Crimson Rose," Vol. XVII

By Kris Millegan

EndgamePart Four

Nixon is involved with the Mafia.
                                                                     – Martha Mitchell


Money does appear to buy respectability. Give it a generation or two and it gets downright smug.

Nixon’s old friend Murray Choitner has arrived. His Wikipedia page mentions nothing of his Mob ties. “History is written by the victors,” as Winston Churchill said.

For a refresher, from Don Folsom’s "The Mob's President: Richard Nixon's Secret Ties to the Mafia":

Richard Nixon's earliest campaign manager and political advisor was Murray Chotiner, a chubby lawyer who specialized in defending members of the Mafia and who enjoyed dressing like them too, in a wardrobe highlighted by monogrammed white-on-white dress shirts and silk ties with jeweled stickpins. The monograms said MMC, because – perhaps to seem more impressive – he billed himself as Murray M. Chotiner, though, in reality, he lacked a middle name.

In this cigar chomping, wheeler-dealer, Nixon had found what future Nixon aide Len Garment called ''his Machiavelli – a hardheaded exponent of the campaign philosophy that politics is war.''

When Nixon went on to the White House, both as vice president, and later as president, he took Chotiner with him as a key behind-the-scenes advisor – and for good reason. By the time he became president in 1969, thanks in large part to Murray Chotiner's contacts with such shady figures as Mafia-connected labor leader Jimmy Hoffa, New Orleans Mafia boss Carlos Marcello, and Los Angeles gangster Mickey Cohen, Richard Nixon had been on the giving and receiving end of major underworld favors for more than two decades.

In his first political foray – a successful 1946 race for Congress as a strong anti-Communist from southern California – Nixon received a $5,000 contribution from Cohen plus free office space for a ''Nixon for Congress'' headquarters in one of Mickey Cohen's buildings.

And there was more to come.

In 1950, at Chotiner's request, Cohen set up a fund-raising dinner for Nixon at the Knickerbocker Hotel in Los Angeles. The affair took in $75,000 to help Nixon go on and defeat Sen. Helen Gahagan Douglas, whom he had portrayed as a Communist sympathizer – ''pink right down to her underwear.''

''Everyone from around here that was on the pad naturally had to go,'' Cohen himself later recalled, looking back on the Knickerbocker dinner, ''… It was all gamblers from Vegas, all gambling money. There wasn't a legitimate person in the room.'' The mobster said Nixon addressed the dinner after Cohen told the crowd the exits would be closed until the whole $75,000 quota was met. They were. And it was.

Cohen has said his support of Nixon was ordered by ''the proper persons from back East,'' meaning the founders of the national Syndicate, Frank Costello and Meyer Lansky. Why would Meyer Lansky become a big fan of Richard Nixon? Senate crime investigator Walter Sheridan offered this opinion: ''If you were Meyer, who would you invest your money in? Some politician named Clams Linguini? Or a nice Protestant boy from Whittier, California?'' [emphasis added]

From Joseph E. Persico’s The Imperial Rockefeller:

He [Nelson] was on the phone much of the day with Republican Party leaders. He had been particularly heartened by a call from Murray Chotiner, a charter Nixon loyalist. Chotiner told Rockefeller that he had urged Nixon to name him as Agnew's replacement. But the besieged President was not about to put his old nemesis in line for his job, no matter Rockefeller's present fidelity. The poor kid on the block with the patched pants and hand-me-downs would give nothing to the rich kid up the street who had long scorned him. Nixon picked Gerald Ford. Thus Nelson went back to the tag ends of his remaining months in office and then on to his Commission on Critical Choices.

To move the story along, some more from Gerald Colby’s, Thy Will Be Done:

In July 1972, one month after the Watergate burglary, David Rockefeller hosted a meeting at Pocantico. Some of the most influential foreign policy strategists in the United States, Japan, and Europe gathered to plan the founding of what David called an "International Commission for Peace and Prosperity": the Trilateral Commission. [emphasis added]

The commission would formally begin its work in July 1973. Columbia University's Zbigniew Brzezinski, promoter of a "community of developed nations" and professor at the Rockefeller Foundation-funded Russian Institute, would soon be appointed the commissions first director. Under Brzezinski, the commissions dominant topics for deliberation would be consistent over the next two years: "global redistribution of power," the problems of building a "trilateral community," and the troublesome "governability of democracies."

Nelson kept a low profile. He did not attend any of the commissions meetings and never even joined the commission, thereby avoiding any appearance of working behind Nixon's back. But Nixon's "economic nationalism," as it was derided by the Trilateralists, ran squarely against lBEC's new activities in Brazil.

In November 1972, Nelson visited Nixon at Camp David to get his own commission off the ground. The idea was for a more national version of the Trilateral Commission that would dovetail with many of David's goals on the international level. Membership would overlap in some cases, to promote a common Rockefeller-led agenda for a new world order that could ultimately include the Russians, although none of this agenda was ever explained to Nixon….

In March 1973, Nelson announced his Commission on Critical Choices for Americans. To finance it, Nelson had a federal bill drafted allocating $20 million. By the time he began lobbying Congress in May, that figure had drifted down to a more reasonable $1 million. But even that amount was too much for the Senate, and the bill died. Nelson quickly came up with the kind of solution that had made the name Rockefeller unique in American politics: his own $1 million contribution to the commission's tax-exempt Third Century Corporation. Reliable Laurance kicked in a similar amount, and a few corporate foundations threw in the rest. Then, with himself as chairman, Nelson announced its panels of "prominent Americans." These were some of the most powerful men-and women-in government, big business, academia, law, banking, science, and the arts-as well as two CIA contractors and, of course, brother Laurance.

Only A Heartbeat Away

The Rockefellers did get one prize from Nixon after his reelection. Nixon reversed the Civil Aeronautics Board's ruling that had prevented Laurance's Eastern Airlines from taking over a coveted Caribbean route. But other than that and giving Nelson his Commission on Critical Choices, Nixon did not reward Rockefeller for his loyalty. After all, where was Rockefeller when aid was called for from behind the scenes, when Nixon was battling in the dark to hold his rattled staff in line? Nelson did not respond to letters from Nixon's former chief of staff, John Ehrlichman, asking for help to pay his legal bills. And he failed to offer consolation to Attorney General John Mitchell after his indictment. During what turned out to be the final days of Nixon's presidency, Nelson never publicly spoke of his disdain for Nixon or his bitterness over being snubbed by Nixon's aides when he showed up at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York on election night 1968 to offer Nixon congratulations and was told that the president-elect was resting.

By July 1974, as impeachment articles were being prepared in Congress and the Supreme Court ordered Nixon to surrender the White House tapes, Nixon was drinking heavily. The insecurity of being a poor man trying to rise in, and eventually being in charge of, a rich man’s party had grown into a paranoia over "enemies" that now was destroying his presidency. Kissinger advised Defense Secretary James Schlesinger to intercept any rash orders from the White House and to keep his generals at close rein. He then visited the White House to tell Nixon that history's memory and world peace required him to consider stepping down.

As Nixon collapsed into teary hysterics, insisting that Kissinger kneel with him in prayer for divine guidance, former Kissinger aide Alexander Haig, now White House chief of staff, set up a cot in the White House Situation Room to carry out a deathwatch over the Nixon presidency. Nixon's efforts to shift the blame for Watergate to the CIA had failed, just like his wider effort to assert control over the CIA had backfired. [emphasis added]

That night, Nixon told his family it was all over. The next day, he gave a terse resignation note to Kissinger that was drafted by Haig. After giving speeches to the nation and his staff and another longer letter to Vice President Ford advising Haig's removal as chief of staff, he flew home to southern California, abandoning the White House to Gerald Ford and, it turned out, to Nelson Rockefeller.

The phone call offering Nelson the vice presidency came on Saturday morning, August 21, 1974, when Nelson and the family were at their estate in Mount Desert, Maine. Nelson said he was not sure that he could accept, that he would have to talk to Happy and the kids. He told President Ford that he would call back the next day. It was a shrewd ploy. Raising the specter of an embarrassing refusal put Ford on the ropes. Nelson had built a credible background for a refusal through years of proclaiming no love for the vice presidency. He had known every miserable man who held that office since Henry Wallace, way back in 1941. There was really no question about his accepting. He was getting too old to wait for Jerry Ford to serve two terms before he would have another chance. He would be only a heartbeat away. Besides, he reminded everyone, the country was in the throes of a constitutional crisis, and his country was calling.

But patriotism, despite his public posture, had its limits. Nelson wanted power, a role for the vice presidency that would be more active than anything the country had seen before. Ford was too inexperienced to challenge Kissinger on the formulation of foreign policy. Nor could Ford match Nelson on domestic policy. And Ford knew it. ''I'd like you to do in the domestic field what Henry's doing in the international field," he told Nelson.

Nelson called back on Sunday and told Ford that he could not accept unless he was allowed to be an active vice president. Nelson had always said, "I am just not built for standby equipment.” Ford could not deny that Rockefeller would bring executive experience; it was one of his major assets. And Nelson's Eastern liberal image would help balance his own Midwest conservatism in the public's perception. But above all, he needed the Rockefeller name to give his presidency the appearance of wealth beyond corruption. Just like Nixon had done fifteen years earlier, he accepted Nelson's terms – and in writing.

Two days later, Nelson was in Washington for his first formal meeting with Ford. The president, for the first time, officially offered him the vice presidency and, upon hearing Nelson's formal acceptance, immediately called Richard Nixon. Nelson stood there, astonished, until Ford indicated that he should get on an extension. Nelson heard Nixon praise Ford for choosing a "big man for a big job." Then he was surprised to find himself alone on the line with Nixon. Ford, with characteristic naiveté, had taken another call and left the two foes alone in awkward silence.

"Hello," Nelson said.

"Congratulations and best wishes," said Nixon. "I think you are great to do it."

"And that was it," Nelson recalled later.

By mid-October, Nelson was in trouble. The controversy over his contributions to political figures and nonprofits and the scandal of his brother Laurance "investing" $60,000 in a 1970 book attacking Arthur Goldberg, Nelson's 1970 Democratic gubernatorial opponent, were threatening to get out of control. The House Judiciary Committee decided to broaden its investigation into the Goldberg biography. Nelson tried charm and obfuscation. When they did not work, he took a stab at honesty. Nelson reversed his earlier denials and admitted knowledge that the book would be published, wiring Goldberg an apology.

Worried that this admission could kill his nomination, he called President Gerald Ford, who blandly assured him, "There is no problem.”

Ford was not omniscient, only savvy. Behind the scenes, beyond the glare of television lights, there was a strange serenity in the proceedings, as if despite the ugly show, or, more accurately, because of it, the hearings would lead to the opposite of what many observers thought would happen: Nelson's confirmation. As attacks came down upon his nomination from the Left and the Right, Nelson smiled; he knew he had captured the vital center, appearing as the moderate between two political extremes. He was used to rolling with the punches in a ring where the rules were set by corporate parameters. Room 5600 had left little in Nelson's business affairs that was not legally tidy: Tax deductions that were challenged by the IRS were easily adjusted; the Rockefeller family office fired off checks, defusing any legal arguments. Critics who based their case on the size of the Rockefeller wealth and the long reach of its influence met an unenthusiastic response by both Democratic and Republican congressmen and senators.

J. Richardson Dilworth [Skull & Bones], head of the family office, appeared before the committee to explain the world of trust accounts. He listed only "major stock holdings," although it was unclear if they were the largest in the sense of market values or of a percentage of a companys total outstanding shares. He gave amounts only in the aggregate and did not break them down for each of the eighty-four family members. Yet he insisted at the same time that each member had sharply different attitudes, that each one set down general guidelines for his or her portfolio managers, and he denied "that this family acts in concert when in fact this has never been the case."

The $262 million Rockefeller Brothers Fund was excluded, Dilworth explained, since the family office no longer managed its funds. So was the Rockefeller Family Fund, because that, too, had independent investment advisers. Laurance's controlling interest in Eastern Airlines was left out, as was the Rockefeller Foundation, since, as Dilworth asserted, "the [family] office has no connection whatsoever with the Rockefeller Foundation."

No one dared question the credibility of Dilworth's accounting. No one seemed to know how. His list of major Rockefeller stock holdings included only the largest, and of those, only two besides IEEC and Rockefeller Center were near the 10 percent category he conceded as possibly giving the owner control: Coherent Radiation (19 percent), a laser-systems manufacturer, and Thermo Electron (9.79 percent), a thermionic research firm. Dilworth did not include Standard Oil of California, Exxon (Standard Oil of New Jersey), Mobil (Standard Oil of New York), and Chase Manhattan Bank in his 10 percent category, ignoring the fact that no single group of investors in any of these giant companies held as much as 10 percent, and yet all these corporations were controlled by a board of directors representing investors, if not themselves. If anything, Nelsons $1 billion figure for the family fortune was disappointing after estimates of $5-10 billion had been mentioned in earlier testimony: The family members had found even these revelations excruciating, Dilworth told the committee, and that comment seemed enough to satisfy everyone.

The only awkward moments for Dilworth came when New York Representative Elizabeth Holtzman questioned his statement that the Rockefellers and their investment adviser were "totally uninterested in controlling anything" and that the familys role was as passive investors, using the $60,000 financing of the derogatory Goldberg biography as an example of a financial, not a political, undertaking. It "defies credibility," said Maryland Republican Laurence]. Hogan, that this was a "straight investment."

"It was an underwriting, sir," Dilworth corrected, "not an investment," inadvertently contradicting his own point about the venture not being a political undertaking and confirming Hogans.

But such gaffes did not really matter.

The Congress of the United States seemed grateful that the Rockefellers had merely complied with a partial disclosure before placing Nelson Rockefeller at the head of the line of presidential succession.

Years later, when many of the House Judiciary Committees files were declassified and released by the Ford Presidential Library, historians could see that the congressmen had much more information on Nelsons family than they let on during the hearings. The focus of a good part of the Congressional Research Services investigation was on Latin America. The CRS prepared detailed reports on Nelsons intelligence activities, his IBEC investments, and on development activities of the American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA), including David Lilienthal’s survey in the Amazon and Nelsons extensive holdings in Brazil.

Yet, deprived of the meaning that these holdings had for their own lives, most Americans remained uninterested in Latin America, what Nelson was doing there, or what the U.S. government was doing there in their name. Nelson felt free bluntly to confess his support for the Kissinger-Nixon policy against the Salvador Allende government in Chile, which had led to the bloody military coup of the previous year and subsequent executions, terror, and dictatorship. The CRS report on Nelson's intelligence activities in Latin America, including his possible knowledge of CIA efforts to overthrow Allende and the purported CIA ties of one of the admitted recipients of Nelsons gifts, Bolivia’s Victor Andrade, remained locked away in the committee's files. Most Americans would never read these reports, but Nelson's allies in the Ford White House would, and they would keep them from public exposure.

Finally, after eight days of hearings and forty-eight witnesses, Nelson was confirmed by the Senate on November 22. House confirmation followed on December 19. In January 1975 – one month after receiving the Christmas present of his life, confirmation as the vice president – Nelson received his first assignment. It was, considering all that he had gone through in recent months and all that still remained secret, apropos: He was to chair the Presidents special investigation of the CIA’s abuses.

“Was Nixon Watergated?” Chapter 13 of the book The Rockefeller File by Gary Allen.

The Watergate Caper, the coup d'etat that knocked President Nixon out of the White House, was carefully engineered by the two agents for the House of Rockefeller shown above. It is now known that Henry Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers squad in the first place, while the "instant General," Alexander Haig made sure that the most incriminating evidence on the tapes was given in advance to the men investigating his boss! Together, the two men forced a bitter and dejected Nixon to resign, thus paving the way (finally!) to get a Rockefeller into the White House without risking an election that Rocky would surely lose.

Newsweek of September 2, 1974 tells us: "Ever since his boyhood meeting with Teddy Roosevelt, it seems, Nelson Rockefeller had been propelling himself toward the Oval Office. Nothing less would suit his ambition. . . ."

But the road to the White House for Nelson has been, if you will pardon the expression, rocky. He has had to settle for an un elected and politically engineered Vice Presidency, a position at which he had previously turned up his nose several times.

Nelson's first attempt at the Presidency came in 1960, shortly after his election as governor of New York. Richard Nixon had been Vice President for eight years, however, and had spent much of the time making speeches for the GOP. In 1960, he collected his political IOUs from the majority of party activists and Rockefeller had no chance of getting the nomination. When Rocky found he could not win the actual nomination, he moved to dictate policy from behind the scenes. A meeting was thus arranged between Rockefeller and Nixon on the Saturday before the Republican Convention opened in Chicago.

The Republican Platform Committee had been meeting for an entire week, laboriously pounding out a platform reflecting the views of party members from all fifty states.

But, at the meeting between Nixon and Nelson at Rockefeller's Fifth Avenue apartment in New York City, Nixon accepted everything Rockefeller dictated. The Platform Committee's sweat-stained document was ash canned and, presto Chicago, Rockefeller's Liberal platform was substituted. Goldwater dejectedly called Nixon's surrender to Rockefeller "the Munich of the Republican Party."

Republicans everywhere understood the significance of the new Rockefeller-Nixon alliance. Nixon had traded his independence for approval by the House of Rockefeller.

The truth is that Nixon had the nomination in the bag; there was no need for him to crawl to Rockefeller to win it. Nixon knew this, but he also knew who held the ultimate power behind both political parties.

Certainly there was never any love lost between Richard and Rocky. They have detested each other for years. Newsweek of September 2, 1974, tells us: "The Nixon Presidency was a painful period for the proud governor. Privately, friends say, Rockefeller despised the self-made man from Yorba Linda. . . ."

Rocky, the man born to economic royalty, must have deeply resented having to operate through this Sammy Glick-type character who looked like a used car salesman, but had clawed his way to the White House. But the two men needed each other. Nelson's influence in the GOP is immense at the top, but is almost non-existent among voters at the grass roots.

… Rockefeller virtually sat out the 1960 campaign and allowed New York to go for Kennedy. Nixon surprised most observers by quietly accepting the defeat that had been arranged for him, refusing even to protest the vote fraud in Texas and Illinois which deprived him of the election.

Richard Nixon returned to California to practice law but remained at the beck and call of his jealous and hostile boss in New York. One indication of their real relationship was the Joe Shell affair. Shell was a long-time California State Assemblyman who planned to oppose Democrat incumbent Pat Brown for the governorship in 1962. Early in the year, he received a call from Rockefeller, asking whom he would support at the 1964 convention if he were elected. The conservative Assemblyman told Rockefeller that under no circumstances could he support the ultra-liberal New Yorker. One week later, Shell's office received a call from Rockefeller's New York office with the news that Richard Nixon would oppose Shell in the GOP gubernatorial primary—even though Nixon had previously assured Shell that he had absolutely no interest in being Governor of California.

The important point here is that Nixon was not interested in the job until he received orders from his boss in New York. Nixon had everything to lose and virtually nothing to gain by running against an incumbent Democrat governor in a state with an overwhelming Democrat registration plurality.

Following an incredibly inept campaign, in which his chief target was Nelson's old bugaboo, the "radical right," not Bungling Brown's record, Nixon lost the race. His political career appeared to have come to an end. As he put it: "You won't have Nixon to kick around anymore."

Apparently, the Nixon candidacy was as much a test of obedience as it was a move to head off a potential Rockefeller opponent. In any case, having thrown himself onto a bed of nails at the behest of Rockefeller, Nixon was thrown a lifeline and brought to New York. He moved into an elegant $125,000 apartment in the same building as Nelson Rockefeller— the very one in which the infamous "Compact of Fifth Avenue" was signed. Nixon was made a partner in a law firm which did a lot of trust and bond business with the friendly folk at Chase Manhattan Bank.

During the next five years Nixon practiced very little law, yet his net worth jumped from practically nothing to over half-a-million dollars. Most of his time was spent touring the nation and the world rebuilding his political reputation. When the Rockefellers needed him in 1968, he had been resurrected from the political trash heap and turned into a legitimate candidate.

Meanwhile, Nelson had been giving the Presidency the old college try himself. He might have made it in 1964 had not his divorce and remarriage alienated a large segment of middle America. Rockefeller learned the hard way that a lot of women don't forgive a man who abandons a wife of long standing to marry a much younger and prettier one. When the new bride abandons her own children to marry the man in question, it compounds the outrage.

In 1968, Nelson made a half-hearted attempt to wrest the nomination from Nixon. But the handwriting was on the wailing wall. "The old avidity is gone," groaned Nelson. Once again, he had to settle for owning the team instead of starting as quarterback.

Nixon's appointments to policy-making positions confirmed that the House of Rockefeller did indeed own the team: they went almost entirely to Rockefeller men. In his inner circle, however, Nixon tried to surround himself with men like H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, who were personally loyal to him, not to Rockefeller. The two most notable exceptions were Kissinger and General Alexander Haig. Both men were known Rockefeller agents, and it is these two men who may have masterminded Nixon’s early retirement.

… the decisive encounter in the battle: Watergate. And as we unravel the twisting threads of this strange saga, we find that each tug that ultimately toppled Nixon from the throne can be traced to Rockefeller.

The burglary at the Democratic Headquarters in the Watergate Hotel was not exactly carried out with the precision of a James Bond movie. It was more like the Three Stooges at their most slapstick. It was so clumsy, in fact, that the whole operation smells of a set-up. First: one of the burglars alerted a guard, by replacing the tape over the door locks after the guard had discovered and removed the first one. Even though their efforts had been discovered, the boss of the operation, Gordon Liddy, sent the burglars back to the Watergate. There they proceeded to flash lights, rip the place apart, and in general act as if they had all night to perform their mission. The man posted as lookout saw the police enter the building, but either failed to alert the men inside—or his warning was ignored.

It was as though the burglars were meant to be caught. And when they were, one of them conveniently was carrying the White House telephone number of E. Howard Hunt in his pocket.

Watergate began with the creation of the "Plumbers." The Plumbers were created by Kissinger to stop leaks on his staff. Both Nixon staffers John Dean and Charles Colson reported that Kissinger got Nixon so upset over leaks that the President decided, at Kissinger's suggestion, to set up a Special White House Investigating Unit, which later became known as the Plumbers. According to Dean, it was Rockefeller who had Kissinger suckered Nixon into forming the Plumbers. Little did Nixon know that he was being mouse trapped.

Nationally syndicated columnist Paul Scott reports:

"Records of the Senate Watergate Committee investigation indicates that Dean's testimony concerning Rockefeller was never followed up by the committee's staff. The reason: Committee members were against calling Rockefeller."

Kissinger put a member of his staff, David Young, in charge of the unit. You have never heard of David Young? Join the multitudes. He was a Wall Street lawyer who had worked for Rockefeller before being promoted to Kissinger's staff. After Watergate, Young was spirited off to a cushy assignment in London as a very advanced student, and the mediacracy has dutifully ignored his key role in Watergate.

The Watergate burglary, which was bungled more badly than a Keystone Cops chase, ended with a proven link to the White House But no one ever claimed that Nixon gave the nod for the break-in; it was his role in the cover up that led to his downfall.

Watergate did start in the White House, however. But not by Nixon or any of his men. It was launched by the premier Rockefeller man, Henry Kissinger.

It was the activities of the Plumbers which brought the downfall of Richard Nixon. And Kissinger, Rockefeller and the CIA were obviously deeply involved. Former White House aide Charles Colson has said that Nixon suspected the CIA was in the plot "up to their eyeballs." Colson says Nixon wanted to fire the director of the CIA and personally investigate what was believed to be a CIA conspiracy against him. He was persuaded not to do so by General Alexander Haig, the Rockefeller man who replaced Bob Haldeman. Colson portrays Nixon as a virtual captive of Kissinger and Haig in the Oval Office during his last months in the Presidency.

But Richard Nixon would have survived the Watergate scandal had it not been for those damned tapes. At the beginning of the Watergate hearings, no one even knew they existed. The fact that all Nixon conversations had been recorded was revealed almost casually by Alexander Butterfield, White House liaison with the Secret Service. It is hard to believe that this bombshell, which was to remove a President, could be dropped with such an air of innocence. Could it have been planned?

We now know that Butterfield had been a CIA informant. He has been accused of working with (if not for) the CIA when he was in charge of all the tapings in the White House. Had Blabbermouth Butterfield, who was called to testify about other matters—not the tapes—"stonewalled" it, Nixon would not have been forced to resign. Even if asked a direct question about any recordings, Butterfield could have maintained that such matters related to national security and must remain confidential.

Nixon has said that the taping system was installed in the Oval Room at the suggestion of LBJ to preserve his conversations for posterity. Soon the whole White House and even Camp David were bugged. The White House monitoring system kept better track of people than do most prisons. The President could not walk from one room to another without that fact being recorded and a buzzer ringing and a light flashing on a console operated by Butterfield. Voices automatically started the tape recorders spinning. Keep in mind that it was not Mr. Nixon who turned the recorders off and on. It is as though the President were under constant surveillance by others, who wanted to know about his every word and movement.

Why didn't Nixon have the tape machines shut off the day after the Watergate arrests? Or, failing that, why didn't he destroy the tapes after Butterfield revealed their existence? Several rationalizations have been put forth, none of which ring true. One is that Nixon was mesmerized by the arrogance of power and did not believe the Supreme Court could or would subpoena the tapes. Since there was no precedent, why take the risk? Nixon must have known his very survival as President of the United States was at stake.

Another explanation is that Nixon is compulsively greedy for money and wanted to keep the tapes for use in writing his memoirs, or to donate to the national archives and take a multi-million dollar tax deduction. Much as Nixon may like money, he would hardly jeopardize the Presidency—and risk a jail term—to keep the tapes. And he is now in the process of writing his memoirs for a million dollar fee without benefit of those tapes.

Remember, releasing the tapes would not exonerate Nixon, they would prove him guilty of every cover-up charge made against him. Why would this cunning politician, this ruthless abuser of power, this man from whom no one would buy a used car, not simply destroy the tapes himself?

Prosecutor Leon Jaworski has admitted that "if Mr. Nixon had destroyed the tapes at the time their existence was disclosed in July, 1973, he would still be President."

Can anybody believe, as Dr. Susan Huck has asked, that Nixon sat there like a good scout, watching the lynch mob fasten a hangman's knot out of those wretched tapes, and refuse to destroy the noose? That isn't the Nixon depicted on the tapes—much less in public life.

Why then did not Nixon, that ultimate political opportunist, burn the tapes? We believe the only logical answer is that either Nixon did not control the tapes, or he knew there was more than one set. In a word, he did not destroy them because he could not.

Have you ever wondered how everybody seemed to know what was on the tapes, and where, before they were "turned over" to committee staffs, special prosecutors, or Judge Sirica? The mediacracy didn't wonder. So far as we can discover, the only person who has asked this question is Dr. Susan Huck, in the February 1975 issue of American Opinion magazine.

Consider the fantastic detail involved in the requests. On August 14th, for example, judge Sirica demanded the "entire segment of tape on the reel identified as' White House telephone start 5/25/72 (2:00 P.M.) (skipping 5 lines) 6/23/72 (2:50 P.M.) (832) complete."' I don't know what all the identifying numbers mean—but you have to agree that only somebody very familiar with the tapes would know. These boys knew precisely what to look for! Here is another sample request:

January 8, 1973 from 4:05 to 5:34 P.M. (E.O.B.)

a) at approximately 10 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 6 minutes and 31 seconds:

b) at approximately 67 minutes into the conversation, a segment lasting 11 minutes;

c) at approximately 82 minutes and 15 seconds into the conversation, a segment lasting 5 minutes and 31 seconds.

As Dr. Huck observed: "It does sound as though somebody—obviously not the President—had been curled up with these tapes for many a long hour, doesn't it? Somebody knew exactly where the juicy parts are, down to the second."

Remember, all White House conversations—in person and on the phone—had been "bugged" for at least a year. There were literally miles of tapes in storage somewhere. But it is obvious the investigators already had the evidence they sought when the various subpoenas were issued!

Who then controlled the tapes, or had access to a duplicate set? There is (understandably) very little information available on this crucial question. It is worth noting, however, that while LBJ's recording system had been installed by the Army Signal Corps, the Nixon monitors were established by the Secret Service. So it is of more than passing significance that Newsweek on September 23, 1974, reported:

"While former White House chief of staff H. R. Haldeman awaits trial for his part in Watergate, the Secret Service chief he ousted from the White House last year has landed a plum job. Robert H. Taylor, 49, who tangled with Haldeman over Nixon security procedures, is now head of the private security forces for all the far-flung Rockefeller family enterprises."

Hmm. Once Nixon is deposed, the head of the Secret Service—the man in charge of the agency, which was in charge of the tapes—gets "a plum job" with the Rockefeller Empire. And what of the Rockefeller's number one man in the White House?

Nixon did not know Kissinger well; in fact, he had only met the man once before in his life—at a cocktail party. And Kissinger was on record as standing 180 degrees to the left of Nixon's campaign utterances. Clearly, Kissinger was put in the Nixon Administration by Rockefeller (who sent his protégé off to Washington with a tidy little gift of $50,000). In his Vice Presidential hearings, Nelson Rockefeller even acknowledged that Kissinger took the job because Rocky asked him to do so.

While it was Henry Kissinger who set Nixon's head on the chopping block, it was another Rockefeller agent, General Alexander Haig, who applied the axe. Haig was appointed—at Kissinger's suggestion—as an interim replacement for the hastily deposed Bob Haldeman.

Like Dwight Eisenhower and George Marshall, two generals whose careers had a bad case of the blahs until anointed by the House of Rockefeller, Haig's career took off like a Saturn rocket when he joined the Rockefeller team through the Council on Foreign Relations. In 1969, he was a colonel. Four years later he had miraculously become a four star general, having skipped the three star rank entirely. What happened to trigger this remarkable rise? In 1969, Haig became an assistant to Kissinger; subsequently, he was catapulted over 240 general officers when Nixon raised him to four-star rank. Such a promotion should mark Haig as one of the great military leaders in our history. But, his promotions did not come as a result of military achievements—there were none. They were political. Haig was now a general in the Rockefeller Army, an army which tells other armies when to march.

Syndicated columnist Jerald Terhorst, who did a short stint as Ford's press secretary, tells us:

"For most of the final Nixon year, as Haig himself would agree, he [Haig] was the acting president of the United States. With a troubled President drawing more and more within his shell, everyone in the government, with the possible exception of [Haig's sponsor] Kissinger, was working for Al Haig."

William Safire, a Nixon speech writer, says in the November 11, 1973 New York Times magazine: "Haig is far more powerful than Haldeman ever was; but he exercises it more gently....Haig learned this technique from the past master, Henry Kissinger. . . ." In his new book, Before The Fall, Safire calls Haig "Kissinger's alter ego." Significantly, the Washington Post's Barry Sussman refers to Haig as "Butterfield's former colleague."

You see, it was Alexander Haig who had control of the vault where the Watergate tapes were kept. Two months after Haig became the keeper of the keys, his former colleague Butterfield tipped off the Watergate Committee about their existence. Since it is perfectly clear that the subpoenas for the tapes were written by persons already possessing a detailed familiarity with their contents, it is painfully obvious that Haig had already provided them with copies of the pertinent excerpts.

It was now time for the axe to fall. In the June 8, 1975 issue of Parade magazine, Lloyd Shearer tells us: "From May 1973 to August 1974, Haig was Nixon's chief of staff. It was he who adroitly engineered, orchestrated and choreographed Nixon's resignation from the Presidency."

According to Shearer, Nixon was determined not to resign. "Yet Haig knew that he must." The reason for Haig's insistence, according to Parade, was that if the President insisted on a trial and lost, he would lose his pension and other government benefits. You will pardon us for believing that Haig had much more compelling reasons for giving Nixon the final push.

How did he do it? Haig "orchestrated the resignation march," says Shearer, by taking the evidence against Nixon to Republican Congressmen, Presidential speech writers and others close to Nixon. "Haig saw to it that Senator Barry Goldwater, the conservative bulwark of the Republican Party, was provided with the damning tape transcripts of June 23," Shearer reported. Get that? The President's chief assistant finds out the boss won't budge, so he takes copies of the most damning tapes to the few supporters Nixon had left! Why didn't Nixon fire Haig and burn the tapes?

Again, the most obvious, most logical answer is that he did not because he could not.

Shearer continues:

"And at the next and final Cabinet meeting, with at least half the members expecting him to resign, Nixon rambled on about inflation, declared his intention to stay on, ordered them to pass the word.

Haig and Kissinger exchanged glances. When the Cabinet meeting was over, Kissinger stayed behind. Gently he suggested that the President resign."

Later that same afternoon, "Haig played his final card." Republican Senate leaders Hugh Scott and Barry Goldwater, joined by House Minority Leader John Rhodes, visited Nixon and told him his support in the Senate had evaporated. "That night," reports Shearer, "after again talking to Kissinger and Haig, Richard Nixon decided to resign."

And that is how the Three Musketeers for the House of Rockefeller engineered the coup d'etat that removed Nixon from the White House, and put Nelson in. There must have been quite a celebration that night in Pocantico Hills.

Please do not misunderstand us. We are not claiming that Richard Nixon was an innocent lamb done in by the big bad wolf. It was more like Al Capone rubbing out Bugs Moran and then sending flowers to the funeral. The point is that the entire scenario—from the creation of the Plumbers, through the incredibly bungled Watergate break-in, to the revelation of the existence of the tapes, to the preservation of the tapes and their use to force Nixon to resign—was written and directed by Rockefeller front men.

It is not without meaning that only those connected with the Rockefeller empire survived Watergate, while nearly everybody else was in disgrace – some pounding big rocks into little rocks.

Alexander Haig, the "instant General" as Dr. Huck called him, was quick to get his reward. Haig is now Supreme Allied Commander Europe, the general in charge of the NATO military command. In order to replace Haldeman, Haig had to retire from the Army. Can you imagine chucking four stars for a ride on the Titanic? Not bloody likely. There can be little doubt that Haig had been promised instant reinstatement and a very posh life jacket when the good ship Nixonia slipped beneath the waves. He got both.

Henry Kissinger is another big Watergate winner. Despite the fact that he not only bugged his own staff, but newspaper reporters as well, nary a word of criticism appeared in the press. Then came the disclosure that Kissinger was responsible for creating the Plumbers. Ho hum. During the Watergate scandals, Kissinger rose to the high office of Secretary of State while retaining his position as National Security Advisor. He had unprecedented power over foreign policy and intelligence. The source of his power was his sponsor, Nelson Rockefeller.

Kissinger proved, once again, that no man can serve two masters. Just as Haig had said that he "was never a Nixon man," Kissinger had boasted of Nixon, "I would never work for that man." He didn't. He worked for the Rockefellers.

Another beneficiary of the Watergate fiasco was that "staunch mid-western conservative," Gerald Ford. As usual, the image created by the media moguls and the truth are light years apart. Despite what some wags have said, Ford showed, while serving on the Warren Commission investigating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, that he had not played football without a helmet once too often: he proved he could keep his mouth shut about a major cover-up. At the time he was made Vice President, Ford had attended Bilderberger meetings and, had been appointed by Rockefeller to the National Commission on Critical Choices.

The catalyst who arranged Ford's appointment was former Wisconsin Congressman Mel Laird. Laird had been Secretary of Defense under Nixon and later – a Presidential advisor. A member of Rockefeller's CFR, Laird knows where the power lies. If you will pardon the pun, he keeps his standards well oiled.

Acting as what Paul Scott calls "Mr. Inside" for Rockefeller, Laird succeeded in talking Nixon out of nominating former Treasury Secretary John Connally to succeed Agnew. He convinced the President that Connally could never be confirmed by Congress and suggested the compromise nomination of Gerald Ford as Vice President.

But of course, the ultimate winner of the Watergate roulette was Nelson Rockefeller. He is now only the proverbial heartbeat away from his lifelong ambition – to be President of these United States. (And just recently, two women have pointed pistols at jovial Jerry and his limousine was in an automobile accident. Understandably, Jerry doesn't look quite so merry anymore.)

When Bobo Sears Rockefeller was obtaining a divorce from the late Winthrop Rockefeller, she exploded two bombshells at the trial. The first was that Winthrop had one of the largest and most valuable collections of pornography in the world. (The punch line is that the pictures were not of girls.)

Revelation number two from the bizarre divorce proceedings was the disclosure that the Brothers Rockefeller would get together from time to time – to brainstorm on ways they could make Nelson the President, without the benefit of an election. (They realized he could never get into the Oval Office via the ballot box.) [emphasis added]

So Rockefeller became an appointed Vice President. And, he was named by a man who was not elected, who was appointed by a man who resigned because he was about to be impeached We doubt if the Brothers Rockefeller could dream up anything quite this wild even after the fifth martini. Or could they?



to be continued …

Written by Kris Millegan   

Allegations regarding "Butch" Merritt, Watergate, Intelligence Agencies and "Crimson Rose," Vol. XVI

By Kris Millegan

EndgamePart Three

The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer.
                                                                                                      – Henry Kissinger, New York Times, October 28, 1973



Empire doesn’t happen overnight. It takes time for all the pieces to fall in place. A little prodding, here and there, now and then, moves “history” along. Imperializing our republic is no easy task. The republic must be breached, its power and offices weakened.

More than simple politics, sophisticated brutal methods were and are being used against our institutions and populations to accomplish these goals: assassinations, scandal, blackmail and psychological warfare.

Watergate, was a calculated strategy (game/psyop) to get rid of the troublesome blackmailer Nixon, to consolidate the drug trade, to damage the Office of the President of the US, and to firmly place the US government in the hands of the corporate “powers-that-be.”

The game is played by creating sides, and playing them against each other towards a qualified goal. Us versus Them, Good versus Evil, Right versus Left: the dialectic tango.

Nixon telegraphed his ambitions, and with his foibles he was easy to manipulate. Tricky Dicky was a great focal point to swing a couple of sticky deals, and his dark animus was very useful. Nixon was easy for people to hate. When you “hate” someone, your judgment can be easily suspended while reveling in the desired outcome, and you then become a useful “actor,” hitting marks and spewing lines on cue.

From Fletcher Prouty’s JFK, The CIA, Vietnam and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy, some more understandings on the games”:

It was the spring of a memorable year, 1972. On February 7, President Nixon's secretary of commerce, Maurice Stans, opened a remarkable "White House Conference on the Industrial World Ahead, a Look at Business in 1990." This three-day meeting of fifteen hundred of this country's leading businessmen, scholars, and the like concluded with a memorable and prophetic statement by Roy L. Ash, president of Litton Industries, and incidentally one of the original "Whiz Kids" from Harvard with Bob McNamara:

... state capitalism may well be a form for world business in the world ahead; that the western countries are trending toward a more unified and controlled economy, having a greater effect on all business; and the communist nation are moving more and more toward a free market system. The question posed [during the conference] on which a number of divergent opinions arose, was whether "East and West would meet some place toward the middle about 1990."

That was an astounding forecast before such an eminent group considering that it was made in 1972 and that it was actually "about 1990" when the Soviet Union did weaken and the Cold War came to an end, in much the way he had visualized. … During a speech made in 1991, Giovanni Agnelli, chief executive officer of the Italian Fiat Company, recalled: "In 1946 Winston Churchill spoke in Zurich of the need to build a United States of Europe." That was another long-range forecast that is being proved quite accurate. Then Agnelli updated that comment with – another statement that confirms the fact that the power of ideas, of course he means the ideas of the power elite, is greater than guns: "The fall of the Soviet Union is one of the very few instances in history in which a world power has been defeated on the battlefield of ideas."

… These events are not the result of a throw of the dice. They are planned. Turning back to the White House Conference in 1972, before February had ended Secretary Stans had resigned to become chairman of the Committee to Reelect the President. That was the spring of the year 1972, the year when the "dirty tricks" business went public, with the birth of CREEP and the days of "Watergate." In that same year, under President Nixon, an unusual and most effective international business organization was formed by the business interests of the Dartmouth Conference, whose meetings were regularly scheduled by the Rockefellers. It was called US-TEC, for the United States-USSR Trade and Economic Council. Backed by the Nixon administration and the international banker David Rockefeller, the Council that listed most of the Fortune 500 corporate leaders among its membership, along with hundreds of their counterparts in the Soviet Union, opened offices in New York and in Moscow for regular activities. Meetings of the membership were scheduled every six months alternately in each location. Usually these meetings were augmented by major trade fair exhibitions from each country. This organization publishes a fine magazine that is not classified. But you cannot get a copy of it unless you are a member. [emphasis added]

US-TEC has done much to make Roy Ash's forecast at the "Look at Business in 1990" conference come true. Business, in 1972, took aim at the Evil Empire, as President Reagan called the Soviet Union a decade later.

Not much has been published openly about either of these organizations, the United States membership and the Soviet membership … Their work has included the promotion of the military-industrial complex and of the massive international agricultural combines in their voracious search for new business in new fields. In this connection, the CIA is one of the primary activists and promoters for these combines, especially since its more recent emphasis upon the business of economic intelligence. Not all wars are fought with guns. Economic warfare can be just as powerful and just as deadly.

In March 1973, the White House arranged for a meeting of representatives of the largest petroleum-consuming organizations in the country. These companies included the airlines, railroads, trucking firms, utilities, and government agencies such as the Government Services Agency and the Department of Defense. This meeting took place in the Washington offices of the National Defense Transportation Association (NDTA). I attended that meeting as a railroad representative.

At that time, as I recall, gasoline was selling at the service station pumps for under forty cents per gallon, and the railroads were buying fuel on long-term contracts for about eleven cents per gallon.

The White House spokesman informed this group that a recent study had warned that petroleum use was far ahead of new discovery and that reserves of the world's oil supply might be depleted in the not too distant future, perhaps even before the year 2000. He stated that the meeting had been called to alert all major consumers that before the end of the year it would be all but impossible to make a long-term contract for petroleum and that prices would be up by a factor of two or three. I was sitting between representatives of the airlines and the General Services Administration. You could have heard a pin drop. By the end of the year those predictions concerning price had proved to have been conservative.

At the same time the Federal Power Commission had begun a natural gas survey because "the shortage of natural gas had been a source of surprise, shock, and disbelief to many of those affected, but not to serious students of long-term United States resource development." Then, as if right on schedule, an Arab-Israeli war broke out in late 1973. Before long it was announced that the Arabs had instituted an oil embargo and that available supplies of automobile gasoline would drop around the world. Soon thereafter we were all parked in long lines leading- to the gas pumps waiting for the little gasoline available and at any price.

In early 1974 the prestigious Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. invited several hundred mid-level officials from all parts of the government, from congressional offices, and from local offices of major corporations to a new federal staff energy seminar. These were more or less monthly meetings where these invitees could listen to world leaders in the field of energy, particularly petroleum. Again, I was invited as a railroad representative and was pleasantly surprised at the high caliber of the subjects and the speakers, such as Henry Kissinger and James Schlesinger, and by the fact that these sessions continued for about four years. It is clear that an objective of those meetings was to have all of us marching to the same drum. We all began to believe that the fast-rising price of petroleum was fully justified, that a "world price" was inevitable and that the "last barrel" would be drawn from some well not too long after the year 2000. As we now know, much of this "energy crisis" was a massive production designed and orchestrated to raise the price of petroleum from its long-time base of approximately $1. 70 per barrel to a high, at times, of $40.00. Except for the international drug trade, no other production in the fields of economic warfare had ever made so much money ... and continues to do so.

This CIA connection in the business of making war, and more recently of making big-business bigger, has introduced another pattern of events that this country has experienced, though not as frequently as some other nations. To oversimplify, this may be seen as the agency's ability to "rekindle the fire" whenever some new occurrence is needed to raise the level of concern throughout the nation.… This method of international gamesmanship is called "Terrorism." On September 1, 1983, the New York Times, and most other newspapers around the world, displayed the headline "Korean Jetliner With 269 Aboard Missing Near Soviet Pacific Island." Meanwhile, the same front-page article reported: "Korean Foreign Ministry officials cited the United States Central Intelligence Agency as their source for the report that the plane had been forced down on Sakhalin." The Times continued, "All 240 passengers and 29 crew members were believed to be safe."

That front-page story related that, based upon this same CIA message that had been sent to Korea and Japan, an official of the U.S. Department of State had phoned the family of Georgia representative Larry P. McDonald, a passenger on that flight, late in the evening of August 31, 1983. The purpose of that call was to inform them that the plane, its passengers, and crew were safe on the ground at Sakhalin Island. This, of course, was untrue. The CIA message had been fabricated for other purposes, among them to cause the Japanese to recall the Air-Sea Rescue Fleet.

It is difficult to believe that officials of the Department of State would have made that humanitarian call if they did not believe in the validity of the CIA message. Why did the CIA send such a message?

The airliner never landed on Sakhalin Island, the passengers and crew have never been found and the aircraft had disappeared. That issue of the New York Times had been printed late in the evening of August 31, 1983, and was accurate at that time. But a series of stunning events followed.

At ten A.M., September 1, 1983, in Washington, Secretary of State George Shultz appeared on nationwide TV to announce the Soviet Union had shot down that Korean airliner in cold blood. The plane and its occupants had vanished. Immediately out of Washington arose the ogre of the Evil Empire. The Cold War had reached its zenith. Within days, the largest Defense Department budget ever passed in peacetime whizzed through Congress and was eagerly signed by President Reagan. Thus began the: most costly peacetime decade in the history of civilization.

So why was that most timely CIA message reported by the New York Times? During the evening of August 31, all that the Times knew was that the CIA message had been sent, what it said, and that the news media around the world knew about it. The same issue of the Times also reported that the plane had been on Japanese radar for six minutes before it disappeared. That positive radar trail led to a crash site southeast of Hokkaido, far from Sakhalin. The Japanese had sent twelve air-sea rescue vessels toward that location. While they were at sea, the CIA message arrived in Seoul and Tokyo and at the Department of State. As was predictable, as soon as the Japanese received that message, they recalled their rescue boats, and the chance to locate the wreckage, save survivors, and confirm its identity was lost.

With that essential diversion safely accomplished the government could announce any scenario it wanted for the loss of the Korean airliner and get away with it. No one was ever going to be able to locate the wreckage of the plane deep in the Kurile Trench of the Pacific Ocean. This was the scene during the first weeks of September 1983. In the midst of this international uproar…. The world's largest trade fair had been scheduled by US-TEC to be held in Moscow on October 17-25, 1983. This was the month after the mysterious loss of the Korean airliner, yet representatives of 109 of the largest American companies traveled to Moscow, home of the Evil Empire, to carry out their business as usual at the "Agribusiness USA" trade show.

As we look back at this trade show, at the Evil Empire days and at the existence of this most important US-TEC organization, we discover more elements of that power elite structure that we have been describing. Furthermore, this record confirms that what Roy Ash said during the 1971 conference about "East and West would meet some place toward the middle about 1990" was not a prediction but a master plan.

Such plans are comparable to the work of Allen Dulles as the OSS chief in Geneva during World War II with selected Germans, and to the activities of T. V. Soong in China during the same period. These are examples of how these higher echelons are above warfare, both hot and cold, as they continue their own games on a more exalted level on both sides at the same time.

An item in a US-TEC journal of 1977 was written by David Rockefeller, chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank. He has been one of the world's most important international bankers as head of one of its most important banks. His letter made reference to "an unbroken relationship with Russian financial institutions that straddles well over fifty years."

Think back fifty years, from 1977 to 1927, and recall all of the enormous ideological, military, economic, and political problems that existed between the East and the West. Yet Rockefeller and Chase Manhattan took pride in the fact that they had been in Moscow during that time doing business in the center of the maelstrom. 1 have mentioned earlier the statement of the American charge in the Saigon embassy to the effect "that in case of bankruptcy [of the country] which we now confront, bankers have [the] right to organize a receivership." That is an international banker's way of putting it. He expected, as only natural, that bankers would arrange the policy for what took place in Vietnam, and they have done just that. All of these things come together. While the President of the United States harangued the world about the Evil Empire, his good friends, our senior businessmen, were packing their briefcases for another big meeting for business as usual in Moscow. Rockefeller had reminded everyone that he and his banking interests had been working there since 1927, and then as a small aside, related in that same letter in the USTEC journal how "the seventh session of the Dartmouth Conference in Hanover in 1972 had led to the idea of forming "a joint high-level Trade and Economic Council."


And some more from the highly recommended Gerald Colby’s, Thy Will Be Done:

Pocantico's Watergate Secrets

To the uninitiated, Republican politics seemed topsy-turvy. Nelson Rockefeller, the liberal, appeared to liberals to be the warmonger on Vietnam, even the executioner of African Americans in his own state, while Richard Nixon appeared to be the would-be peacemaker.

This change in the Republican political spectrum alone should have indicated that Nixon’s choice of the New York governor to nominate him for a second term at the 1972 Republican convention was not merely the usual gesture of party unity. Thanks to Nelson's move to the right, there was little gap to close between the Right and liberal wings of the party- at least no obvious gap. Nelson had demonstrated his willingness to shed much of his liberalism and move to the right to join the new Republican mainstream.

The Rockefellers showered $260,700 on the Republican campaign that year. Nelson personally ran Nixon's campaign in New York State to give the president the biggest victory of any state in the Union. He traveled more than 30,000 miles to deliver 44 speeches in 33 cities to help Nixon. Nelson had been a loyal member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, not because he liked Nixon, but because he agreed with most of the administration's foreign policy initiatives – the invasion of Cambodia, the resumed bombings of North Vietnam, the mining of Haiphong Harbor, and the increased bombings in the countryside and police repression of Vietnamese civilian "suspects" despite the My Lai massacre. * [* Nixon opposed cutting the budget of the CIA:s local assassination teams for Colby's Operation Phoenix. "We got to have more assassinations. Killings. That's what they're doing [the other side]." Kissinger was equally callous. "I hold the strong view that human rights are not appropriate for discussion in a foreign policy context," he told Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet's foreign minister on May 8, 1975, two years after the military coup that toppled President Salvador Allende and began the repression that would take an estimated 50,000 lives by 1976. See Seymour Hersh, The Price of Power (New York: Summit, 1983), pp. 135- 36.] After all, his protégé, Henry Kissinger, was overseeing that policy and effectively neutralizing arch conservatives who considered Rockefeller anathema.

Kissinger's ignorance of Latin America and Nixon's hatred of any Kennedy legacy like the Alliance for Progress did have their fallout on Nelson, however. Cutbacks in foreign aid had triggered the Chilean cancellation of Nelson’s visit during his 1969 tour. The coincidental lecture at a June 1969 White House meeting of Latin American ministers by Chiles foreign minister, Gabriel Valdes, on North-South trade and financial inequities, left Nixon in a rage. When the minister explained that Latin America was sending back to the United States $3.80 for every dollar it received in U.S. aid, Nixon interrupted. The statistic must be wrong, the president said. The minister answered that his source was a study by a major American bank.

Kissinger seized the opportunity to appease his superior and to play on Nixon's intolerance of such "Communist-leaning" liberal nationalist governments as Eduardo Frei's in Chile. Nixon had taken Valdes's comments as a personal insult, and Kissinger was eager to answer in kind.

The next day, Kissinger was staring Valdes down at the Chilean embassy. "Mr. Minister, you made a strange speech," Kissinger opined. "Nothing important can come from the South. History has never been produced in the South. The axis of history starts in Moscow, goes to Bonn, crosses over to Washington, and then goes to Tokyo. What happens in the South is of no importance. You're wasting your time."

Valdes was astonished. "Mr. Kissinger, you know nothing of the South."

"No," Kissinger responded, "and I don't care.

Nelson Rockefeller, however, did care. Frei had been a Rockefeller favorite, enjoying the backing of David’s Business Group for Latin America, whose members were the principal conduit for corporate and CIA funding of Frei’s 1964 presidential campaign against Salvador Allende. * [*The CIA's liaison to Rockefeller's Group, Enno Hobbing of Guatemala coup fame and Richard Aldrich's Latin American Information Committee, later became the Group's top operations officer under its new incarnation, the Council of the Americas. See Hersh, The Price of Power, p. 260. ]

Although he would back Nixon in overthrowing Freis leftist successor, again Allende, in 1973, Nelsons loyalty to the president was being severely put to the test by the 1972 reelection campaign. Nixon did not, of course, dump his vice president and former Rockefeller-backer, Spiro Agnew. Agnew was useful to Nixon as a foil for attacks on his enemies, despite rumors that Agnew had been deeply involved in Maryland's corrupt graft-taking political machine. Agnew was more to Nixon’s liking than was Nelson Rockefeller.

So were CIA veterans of the Guatemala and Bay of Pigs invasions for finding and plugging up leaks to the press and for carrying out illegal operations against Nixon's long list of "enemies." This "Plumbers Unit" – headed in the field by E. Howard Hunt- had as its first assignment the discovery of who was leaking intelligence documents revealing the hidden history of the Vietnam War. Wiretaps were placed on the phones of current and former staff members of the National Security Council (NSC). Break-ins were proposed to recover documents believed to be stored at the Rockefeller-funded Brookings Institution. When the New York Times was preparing to publish the Pentagon's top-secret study of the Vietnam War in 1971 (leaked to the newspaper by Daniel Ellsberg, a former Defense Department analyst), Nixon was desperate. He had the FBI place taps on the home phones of NSC staff members who had been privy to the report, even Kissinger, a notorious leaker and the only senior adviser not openly enthusiastic about the Plumbers Unit.

It was the Kissinger wiretaps that caused Nixon the most concern. He had been warned that FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover would respond to the Justice Departments request for evidence against Ellsberg by providing logs of the illegal wiretaps on Kissinger. Hoover might even use the wiretap summaries and documents to bribe Nixon to keep his job, as he had previous presidents. Therefore, Nixon wanted Hoover's assistant director and rival, William Sullivan, the FBI official in charge of transcripts of the phone taps, to destroy the evidence. Meanwhile, Hunt's team of Cuban CIA operatives was sent in to burglarize the office of EIlsberg’s psychiatrist to try to get information that would damage Ellsberg's credibility. Ellsberg had learned of Nixon’s secret B-S4 bombing of Cambodia, nuclear threats against the Soviet Union over Hanoi's refusal to bend to his will, and Kissinger's studies on mining Haiphong Harbor; Nixon was worried that Ellsberg might be believed when he outlined Nixon's strategy of escalation, not peace, in Indochina.

Through all this, Nelson Rockefeller kept up his close relationship with Henry Kissinger. Kissinger provided free NSC office space for Nelson's assistant, Nancy Maginnes (Kissingers future wife), in the Executive Office Building. Nelson liked to keep a New York State Office in Washington. But never before had he such access to the inner sanctum of the NSC – at least, not since he had served on the NSC himself. In fact, according to one NSC official, Kissinger had such trust in his mentor that since 1970 he had been smuggling his most sensitive national security documents out of the White House to Pocantico, for Nelson's safekeeping.

Kissinger had reason to violate normal security procedures. He had to protect himself from Nixon’s orders to destroy evidence and to rewrite history Kissinger, of course, had his own version of history, and he would use the documents to write his own memoirs. It was precisely Kissinger's penchant for keeping his own logs for such obvious purposes that inspired Nixon, in self-defense, to set up the less time-consuming audiotaping system that ultimately destroyed his career.

Nothing better illustrated the danger of Nixon's duplicity, however, than his backing off from Kissinger's negotiated and approved peace accord of October 1972. Kissinger had traveled to Saigon in August to manipulate South Vietnams President Nguyen Van Thieu into silence during the election campaign by promising escalation of the war after the election; however, Kissinger was negotiating an agreement with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho that secretly promised a coalition government. Withdrawals of U.S. ground troops continued, and an end to the U.S. draft by July 1973 was announced.

Nixon appeared to many Americans as a peacemaker who wanted détente rather than war with the Communist nuclear powers. His trip to China was seen by most as a gesture for world peace, when in fact it was an effort to widen the split between China and the Soviet Union, to increase Soviet insecurity about its relations with the United States, and to demonstrate to North Vietnam its isolation and the fickleness of its supposed Communist allies. Polls showed that the American people believed that their president was doing everything reasonable to end the war. But they also showed Nixon that 47 percent opposed any coalition government, the very thing Kissinger was secretly pushing for. Kissinger was pledging a de facto recognition of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the National Liberation Front (NLF) as an equal player with Thieu. The North Vietnamese asked only for elections and an international election commission, something the Saigon regime had never accepted. Thus, after telling the world "peace is at hand" in late October, Kissinger found himself and his reputation out on a limb after Nixon's reelection: The president reneged, backing Thieu's rejection of the election commission and opting instead for the Christmas 1972 bombing campaign.

Nelson publicly backed the bombing that followed. But the public's distaste for the war (by now a majority of those polled) guaranteed that Congress would cut off funds for the war in early 1973. Nixon knew that it would, and he hoped to bring North Vietnam to its knees before then. Kissinger knew it also. So did Nelson Rockefeller. But when Hanoi did not surrender, Nixon opted to end the bombing before Congress acted, reopened negotiations in Paris, and declared victory.

The generals in Hanoi, Saigon, and the Pentagon were not fooled, especially when Nixon, announcing the end of the war, declared that the United States stood behind the Saigon regime as the only legitimate government in South Vietnam. Not only would Hanoi and the NLF in the South not accept that declaration, Saigon's soldiers either would not, or could not, fight well enough to protect Thieu's rule. North Vietnam and its NLF allies had no reason to surrender. The war would continue, and Nixon would not be able to keep his promise of continued U.S. military support to Thieu that his Christmas bombing had seemed to make credible.

Watergate had made it impossible for Nixon to do so. If his hush payments to Howard Hunt's Cuban team ever became public – and there was every likelihood that they would – he could not resume bombing without spurring Congress to open a full investigation of his possible misuse of presidential powers, including his authorization of illegal wiretaps, which, in tum, could have revealed his secret bombing of Cambodia and his role in Watergate itself (particularly his obstruction of justice by trying to use the CIA to get the FBI to drop its investigation of the Watergate burglary). Nixon's own secret wars and illegal activities doomed any chance he had of winning the Vietnam War. If the choice was between saving Thieu's presidency or his own, the decision was obvious.

Kissinger was certainly apprised of this situation, and given his close relationship to Rockefeller, Nelson probably was, too. Pocantico hid Kissinger's secrets, one of the gravest of which was Kissinger’s knowledge of the Plumbers Unit and the White House tapes. Later, during Nelsons confirmation hearings as vice president, charges would be made that Rockefeller was aware of the tapes and their contents, but a key witness from Kissingers NSC staff, who had earlier made such a claim, waffled before Congress, his memory failing. And Nelson denied everything.[emphasis added]


Richard Nixon was unusually acquiescent to Nelson Rockefeller after his reelection. Given the animosities between the two men in the past, this behavior was unexpected, even considering Nelson's help in the campaign. Yet, when Nelson (his excitement about the national arena rekindled by his involvement in a winning campaign and, the warm support he at last received from Republican audiences) approached Nixon in December 1972, Nixon did not reject a request for a presidential endorsement of a vague National Commission on Critical Choices-chaired by Nelson, with members selected by Nelson. As governor, Nelson had started a Commission on the Role of a Modem State in a Changing World, but had "discovered" that New York's problems were really inseparable from the worlds. A national commission was needed, he told the president.

White House aide John Ehrhchman immediately saw the political potential for Nelson and suggested that the commission be a federal project, so that there could be some White House oversight. No, answered Nelson, a bipartisan commission would have more credibility and could command more resources if it were not part of the government.

Nixon acquiesced. The fall of John Connally as treasury secretary and architect of Nixon's "New Economic Policy" had already been forced by Rockefeller allies, Connally later charging that he had been "stabbed in the back" by Kissinger, who persuaded Nixon to abandon Connally’s xenophobic trade and monetary policies. With Watergate revelations looming, Nixon needed friends, not enemies, among the Rockefellers.

Lyndon Johnson was Nelson's first choice for co-chair of the commission. The Rockefellers had kept up their friendship with the Johnsons. Nelson and Happy had spent the last weekend of Johnsons presidency with him at Camp David and "had a good time," Nelson recalled. "Happy conjectured as to whether everything said in the room was being recorded. She was fabulous."

Since Johnson's retirement, they often visited the LBJ Ranch, the last patch of the world Johnson could control, issuing orders to field hands like he had to White House officials. The Perdernales River Valley, a beautiful oasis filled with wild flowers that had once been the home of the Comanche Indians, had caught Nelson's fancy. He credited Happy with getting Lyndon to slow down, and the former president tried futilely to loosen up; he even grew his silver locks long like the peaceniks he loathed. But he agonized over the course of the war navigated by Kissinger and Nixon or over what Nixon's "New Federalism" was doing to his Great Society programs by requiring local antipoverty projects to be approved by local politicians.

The last time they had seen Johnson was in June 1972, when they joined him and Mrs. Johnson in a round of golf. When it came time to go, the two couples drove out together in a golf cart to the Rockefellers' plane. Nelson sat up front with Lady Bird and overheard Johnson's last remark. "Happy, I'll never see you again.

On January 21, 1973, the day after Nixon took the oath of the presidency for a second term, a cease-fire was declared in Vietnam. Nixon finished the day of celebration by announcing his new plan to end the Great Society.

Nelson understood the political Significance for his own future. He immediately set up a meeting at the LBJ Ranch for the evening of January 23, to ask Johnson to co-chair his Critical Choices commission. It would have been a brilliant move. Johnson would have provided a bipartisan alliance and an entry to the conservative Southern Democrats that John Connally was trying to deliver to Nixon. But on January 22, fate struck down Nelson's plan. Johnson, alone in his bedroom, suffered a fatal heart attack. Nelsons last great hope to rally Middle America behind him was dead.



to be continued:

Written by Kris Millegan   
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